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An analysis of the strategic documents produced by the United States can play a significant role in understanding the comprehensive visions of successive administrations in dealing with the outside world. However, these documents cannot present a day-to-day picture of what a given administration might do amid rapidly evolving crises. In analyzing each document, these day-to-day strategic concerns, which in fact govern each US strategic document, must be taken into account. This study attempts to analyze the text of the 2015 UN national security strategy by taking into account the international context, its goals, priorities, and governing principles. The analysis carries out an assessment of six key strategic indicators in the strategy document, as well as nine indicators of change compared to the 2010 document. This paints a picture of the larger vision of the Obama administration and the White House, which will shape US foreign and security policy until the end of his term.

This article is a contribution to the ongoing debate regarding the changing dynamics of global power relations, which seem to be heading toward an inevitable end of the unipolar world order dominated by the United States since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990. It demonstrates that through highlighting the rising global power of China and Russia, which is currently causing a substantial threat to the US hegemony. As such, the continuation of this trajectory in the upcoming decades will likely lead to the emergence of a tri-polar world order, whereby the international system will be shared among the US, China and Russia. Methodologically, this article primarily relies on content analysis and thorough scrutinization of recent official foreign policy and national security documents issued by these actors in order to provide an in-depth understanding of the respective strategic vision underpinning.

The economic indicators which define inter-Arab economic, political and social diversity, as well as the differences between the Arab countries and their neighbouring countries serve to define the relative economic strengths of each of these countries. This paper adopts a quantitative-statistical approach to arrive at a series of mathematical relationships which serve to fulfil the purpose of this paper. Specifically, the paper seeks to arrive at a ranking of Arab states based on their relative economic power. In doing so, the paper will also seek to determine what the sources of economic strength or weakness for a given country.

There exists an ongoing dispute in academia about the underlying reasons behind growing Chinese influence in Africa and the success of the foreign policy of the emerging Asian giant, China, in the wealthy continent. The findings of this study reveal that despite China’s huge geo-economic progress in Africa, its foreign policy is still a far cry from making it a decisive key player in its influence on Africa’s political systems. African countries have to face global challenges and handle political and economic reform through adopting a united vision of development and security and assuming historical responsibility to defend their independence and dignity. This is how they can live up to the slogan “Africa for Africans” and make the fortunes and resources of this rich continent beneficial for everyone.

​This paper tackles the Algerian-Moroccan rivalry over the position of central state in North Africa and explores the stages of the Algerian-Moroccan conflict. According to the author, the rivalry between these two Arab neighbors over the position of “unitary state” is the main factor behind the tense relations between the two states, tension that inevitably affects the action plan of the Arab Maghreb Union. The relative balance of power between Algeria and Morocco explains why the conflict is centralized between them rather than other states of the Arab Maghreb. Libya, Tunisia and Mauritania are well aware that they do not have the qualifications to occupy the position of “unitary state”.

The phenomenon of armed groups operating in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula is a growing one. This paper presents the history of this phenomenon as well as factors leading up to the violent encounters with state forces from former president Hosni Mubarak to Mohamad Morsi and the military coup led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. It examines different factors that led to the severe clash between groups and state forces, and the causes that saw the clash become widespread and even violent. The paper examines the role of state forces in escalating the conflict, and takes into account the religious authorities that these groups stem from, as well as the factors that affected their political views. It further examines what seemed an Egyptian-Israeli rapprochement and efforts at coordination to fight these groups. Based on personal interviews of groups in the Sinai and collected testimonies, the paper makes a core contribution to understanding the current events in the Sinai and their wider political context. ​

This article deals with the changes to the demographics of Israeli settlement in the West Bank and East Jerusalem from 1967 to 2013. It reviews the demographic data on the Jewish settler population, population growth, net migration, and ethnic distribution, and discusses the direct and indirect factors influencing the increase in settler numbers and in migration to the settlements. It also presents forecasts for the growth in the settler population until 2048. The article asserts that the rise in the number of settlers is a result of two factors: migration to the settlements and very high natural population growth among the settlers. The first factor can be explained by policies that promote migration to settlements and provide economic conditions and social services to support migration. The second (very high natural growth) can be explained by the nature of the settlers and their levels of religiosity and right-wing/nationalist ideology. The article clarifies that the relative importance of these two factors has varied according to the various political stages. In the early settlement period, migration was the main factor accounting for increasing numbers of settlers, while the high birth rate accounts for the increase in settler numbers witnessed over the last 20 years in the West Bank, but not in Jerusalem.

The current political scene has warned that Yemen could face huge threats in the coming years. The worst of these is the collapse of the country itself, in facing a comprehensive civil war. However, there is optimism that the outcomes of the national dialogue conference—which gained acceptance from core parties—will be entirely implementable. With optimism that the political scene is on a stable track, the economic situation is the next concern, with a distinct possibility that the country’s economic situation will get worse, with a spillover effect on the political situation. This paper presents Yemeni political history and describes the nation’s acting forces. The study shows the challenges of development that Yemen faces and the impacts of the 2011 uprising on this development, as well as the factors that led to the uprising. It then outlines the challenges to be faced by Yemen in the coming stages, and gives suggestions that might help in overcoming the difficulties facing stability and chances of comprehensive development.

This study monitors the role of external factors in the stability of Moroccan authoritarianism and controling the liberalization methods pursued by the government over two stages: the final years of the Cold War and the 2011 Arab Spring. As much as these factors contributed to widening the margin of liberalization in the Moroccan political arena, they also contributed to limiting this liberalization (September 11, the post-2013 counterrevolutionary movement), especially given the lack of internal will to mature it. While it is true that these factors have made an impact, this remained within certain limits that allowed actors abroad (the United States, the European Union and donor institutions) to control the transformations of Moroccan politics and to manage contradictions, thus creating an environment hostile to democratic transition in Morocco.

​This paper examines Arab public attitudes towards state institutions, determined from a series of questions asking respondents about their opinions towards the states of their home countries in general. The survey questions address governmental performance in a number of specific areas, including the performance of legislative assemblies; economic and foreign policies; administrative and financial corruption and the application of the rule of law and access to a fair trial. The results show that respondents’ attitudes become more negative when asked questions focused on specific policy areas or matters of concern, as opposed to questions which are worded to ask about government performance in broad, general terms..