Center Journals

The 1923 Egyptian constitution was the first democratic constitution in Egypt, the first pillar of the nascent parliamentary system, and an important step on the path toward political and constitutional consolidation—in short, the 1923 constitution ushered Egypt into a new historical era. This paper focuses on the issue of representation of minorities in this pioneering constitutional experiment. The question will be treated within the context of the formation of Egyptian nationalism following the 1919 Revolution, which replaced Islamism. This process culminated in the 1923 constitution, which guaranteed equal rights to all Egyptians, regardless of their religion, gender, and mother tongue, while simultaneously guaranteeing the freedom of belief and the free practice of religious rituals. This process removed the religious notion of “minorities” from the Egyptian political lexicon and replaced it with the notion of “political or economic minorities”.

This study is rooted in the multiple and varied contexts in which the Ottomans were compelled to adopt the Tanzimat, alluding to the series of reforms adopted by the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century and that later gave rise to a constitution. These reforms came about as a result of the collision with expansionist and competitive forms of capitalism, a growing awareness among local elites on the importance of reforms and the tensions borne out of the diversity and complexity of their local composition. This study seeks to describe these reforms in terms of what they strived to achieve—a Western concept of citizenship represented in the formation of a nation-state, which implied the rise of civil society, human rights, and the rights of citizenship—and what was prevalent at the time of the Ottoman Empire—a system that conceptually embodied the idea of a state founded on a dominant, over-arching social group (or social solidarity – asabiyah) in a community composed of multiple clans.

This study begins with a cursory look at the Arab scene, focusing on the ongoing constitutional debates and its controversies gripping the region today. In examining the current state of affairs in the region, the author takes the reader on a journey through modern Arab constitutional history that begins with the late Ottoman era and ends in present day. This historical narrative aims at exploring the record of constitutional reforms, the structuring of political systems, and the extent to which the notion of citizenship is rooted in the respective Arab countries. This narrative goes beyond the historical roots of Arab constitutional thought, and examines Arab political thought – based on the premise that it was the region’s political culture that fostered constitutional thought. To this end, the author explores the predominance of Islamic culture, the new issues and challenges that were introduced by globalization, the impact of nationalism in the region and the conflict with Israel.

During its three sessions held in 1919 and 1920, the Syrian Congress constitutionally represented the population of Syria, giving voice to the socio-political changes then underway. Political parties and blocs were formed within the parliament, which later came to be called “internal” formations. Although they took form within the context of the parliament’s internal dynamics, they were also deeply tied to the socio-political movements active outside of parliament. Syria’s first constitution, set out by the founding fathers of the Modern Arab Nationalist movement, had envisaged such events and given a structured written expression to the political and legal thinking of the movement. The discussions within the Congress centered on the controversial articles within the constitution: the relationship between religion and the state; women’s issues; citizenship and identity; and the relationship between the state’s national character and administrative decentralization. In his analysis, the author argues how as a document, the Constitution proved to be ahead of its time on issues which would be at the heart of later discussions emerging not only in subsequent Syrian constitutional assemblies, but also in the constitutional development of Arab states in general. It also had an impact on the views of political and social elites. In this way, the significance of the first Syrian constitution goes beyond its historical importance.

There is a new industry alongside the others by means of which the ruling class in America controls US society and many societies around the world to varying degrees and in various forms. This is the pornography industry that ranges from commercials to porn films and beyond. The rising sex fever and its industry and commerce has been the subject of many studies and much critique in the United States and globally in the aim of raising awareness about the risks of slipping into this swamp and becoming submerged.

The revolutions of the Arab Spring have incited key intellectual and political movements in the Arab world, deeply influencing the state of Arab affairs and prompting these movements, including that of Islamists, to re-invent themselves and revise their own ideologies and perceptions. Democracy, then, presents a key starting point for reexamination. It is in democracy that the demands raised by the revolutionary movement coalesce and take the form of tangible, political, rights-based demands, giving birth to democratic values and their translation into concrete political action. This new regional landscape presents the Islamists with an opportunity to move from an instrumental definition of democracy (one defined by the instruments of elections, political pluralism, and peaceful transitions of power) to a more fundamental, philosophical understanding of democracy (defined by concepts of liberty, secular law and equality based on citizenship). The author here presents the case of the Moroccan Justice and Development Party and exemplifies through this case study the willingness of Islamists to renew their beliefs and revise Islamic jurisprudence.