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This article sheds light on the reasons behind the lag of Arab public administration scholarship behind the needs of coping with the questions of political and administrative reform and situating public administration within the context of political governance. This article draws insights from the development of the field in the US experience, its fuzzy boundaries, and value conflicts. This was characterized by overlap and the value struggle caused by the three tributaries that established the knowledge and research architecture of the field, namely law, business administration, and political science. The study concludes with a discussion of how different origins and political context detached public administration research in the Arab world from the ontological and methodological diversity that contribute to the richness of the field in the US experience.

This study compares the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) with the outcomes of development policies in Algeria, in particular those related to employment, social protection, education, and health, since 1990 until the latest year for which data are available. These are outcomes of the policies laid down within the eight MDGs, among them: ending extreme poverty, universal elementary education, reduction of infant mortality, and improving maternal health. The study attempts to answer a central question: how far have the outcomes of development policies met the MDGs? In its answer, the paper includes an explanation of the contents of the MDGs and follows their historical progress, and details the goals, objectives, and indexes. The study also deals with the only Algerian MDG report, which appeared in 2005, to clarify the course of policies directly linked with the fight against extreme poverty and hunger, education, and infant and maternal health. The study concludes that Algeria was able to achieve the first, second, and fourth goal, but failed to meet the fifth goal (maternal deaths in childbirth) while expressing reservations about the funding for development policies and justice, and the implementation mechanisms for some policies.

This study analyses the dynamics of state fragility in Arab countries from 2006–2024 using the Fragile States Index (FSI, Fund for Peace) and World Bank World Development Indicators (WDI). The findings indicate that state fragility in the Arab world is complex and multidimensional, influenced by domestic structural factors, as well as internal and external shocks. Despite an overall increase in fragility, variations were observed among countries; Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Palestine experienced significant increases, while the Gulf countries remained stable, and Iraq and Morocco showed relative improvement. Based on inflection points in the regional FSI series, the study divides the dynamics of fragility into four phases: relative stability (2006-2011), rising fragility (2012-2016), stability at high fragility levels (2017-2020), and slight improvement in indicators (2021-2024). The findings indicate that higher poverty, malnutrition, and low education exacerbate fragility, whereas improvements in GDP per capita, education, health, and economic openness help reduce it. The study highlights that addressing fragility requires long-term policies focused on enhancing governance, social justice, economic diversification, and human development to build more resilient Arab societies in the face of crises.

There is no supranational authority that can solve international water disputes; thus, the UN Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses (UN Watercourse Convention) may be the answer. However, as is shown in this article, when it comes to the Eastern Nile water dispute, namely between Egypt and Ethiopia, both sides can use different articles of the UN Watercourse Convention to support their legal arguments. As a result, there is little that the UN Watercourse Convention can offer to solve this dispute. This article summarizes the relevant articles of the UN Watercourse Convention and discusses the contentious, historical treaties that allocated the rights to the Nile River water over the past century. The paper also discusses how both Egypt and Ethiopia can use principles from the international water law to support their legal position rendering the dispute difficult to be solved legally. Thus, we turn to a discussion of the current state of the recent initiatives to solve the ongoing water dispute between the riparian countries in the Nile River Basin. The article concludes with the current state of dispute after the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile.

ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ أﺣﺪ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ﻋﻘﺪة ﻛﺮﻛﻮك اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺌﺖ ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻘﻮط اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ، وذﻟﻚ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ اﻟﻤﺄزق اﻟﺬي آل إﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺮ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻛﺮﻛﻮك، ﻣﻨﺬ أول ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻗﺘﺮاع ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 2005. وﺗﺘﺘﺒّﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﻣﺴﺎر اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮاﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ، وﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﺮات ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ، ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎق ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮه اﻟﺘﻌﺪادات واﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮات اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻋﺎم 1921. وﺗﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ذﻟﻚ إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﻄﻼع ﻛﻴﻒ أﻧﺘﺠﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت وأﺟﺠﺖ ﺧﻼﻓﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﻮط ﺗﻤﺎس ﻋﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺣﻖ اﻻﻗﺘﺮاع ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ؛ أدت إﻟﻰ اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻛﺮﻛﻮك ﻣﻦ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮاق ﻟﺪورﺗﻴﻦ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺘﻴﻦ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ا¤ ن، 2009 و 2013. وﺗﻨﺒﺮي اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﺼﻮرة اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺐ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ إﺑﺎن ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ، ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ إﻟﻰ رﺳﻢ ﺻﻮرة اﻻرﺗﻔﺎع اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺮدﻳﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم 2003. ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ: ﻛﺮﻛﻮك، اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮاﻓﻲ، اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎزع ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ. Tis paper investigates the crisis in which provincial elections in Kirkuk has been enmeshed since the first provincial polls in post-Saddam Iraq held in 2005. It plots the trajectory of ethnic demographic changes in Kirkuk since the formation of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and probes how these transformations inflamed discord along ethnic fault lines leading to excluding Kirkuk from two provincial elections, 2009 and 2013, till now. Tracing the intensification of the Kirkuk crisis against the backdrop of the failure of constitutional and legal solutions designed to resolve the so-called "disputed internal boundaries" problem, the paper analyzes the election results and demographic data in Kirkuk to shed light on the deepening electoral crisis in the province. It concludes by making recommendations aimed at reforming electoral registration in Kirkuk.

The paper studies the Iraqi-Syrian-Turkish conflict over the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, from a geopolitical perspective. It argues that this conflict has historical and political roots, not solely tied to the natural availability of water in the Tigris and Euphrates, but rather connected to the policies of different parties in managing water resources. The paper includes three essential elements. The first examines the geographical and hydrological characteristics of the Tigris and Euphrates. The second explores the political and academic discourse in the 1990s regarding the "water war" theory. The third and final element analysed the characteristics of the new conditions that have distinguished the three countries since the beginning of this century, imposing on Syria and Iraq the need to devise a new vision for managing their available water resources. The research concludes with the inevitability of negotiation for the joint management of the Tigris and Euphrates water resources as it is not in Turkey's interest to ignore the interests of downstream countries. Moreover, Syria and Iraq cannot achieve any results without negotiation and water diplomacy.

This study examines the emergence of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah) in the Arab Gulf countries, focusing on the dynamics that accompanied this development in the 1950 s and 1960 s. Fatah emerged in a Gulf context, through which it was able to establish recruitment networks and build an active Palestinian elite base, utilizing institutional margins, forming a type of negotiated legitimacy that allowed Fatah to expand within Gulf administrative structures and provide social and educational services to Palestinian communities. The study draws on a biographical and archival research to provide an analytical reading of the formation of the Palestinian political space in the Gulf as a foundational ground for the Palestinian liberation project.

This study examines how the 2023 Gaza War reshaped maritime security dynamics and geopolitical rivalry in the Red Sea, particularly in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, through a complex interplay between great powers and non-state actors. It demonstrates that the Houthi (Ansar Allah) attacks on commercial vessels –framed as support for Gaza – transformed the strait into a global flashpoint that exposed the vulnerability of international supply chains. The study also shows how these developments reactivated U.S.–China rivalry in the Red Sea: the United States adopted a military–security approach in support of Israel's war on Gaza and to reaffirm its role as guarantor of the maritime commons, while China favored a cautious strategy centered on economic influence, calculated non-involvement in military operations, and securing the passage of its vessels through discreet diplomatic channels. The study concludes that the Red Sea has become a space where U.S. naval dominance intersects with China's rising economic power, and where non-state actors increasingly shape regional and global security.

​​​This study examines virtual public reactions on X regarding BRICS expansion to include three Arab countries: Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. It uses a deep learning approach for sentiment analysis to understand reactions expressed by individuals in the 22 Arab League countries. The study aims to understand public opinion towards this expansion and assess how it was received at the bottom-internal level. Given the difficulty of measuring public opinion in non-democratic contexts, the study tracks public reaction to the expansion on X. Tweets from August 24, 2023, to January 7, 2024, are analyzed. The methodology involves collecting a large dataset of tweets, cleansing and tokenizing the data, and attributing sentiment scores using specialized Arabic text-processing tools. The results are presented through data visualization and machine learning models, ensuring a comprehensive analysis while addressing ethical considerations. The findings indicate that public sentiment is predominantly neutral (38.91%), compared to positive (31.72%) and negative (30.09%). This highlight concerns about education, political disengagement, and the technical limitations of applying a data science approach to political science research. It also suggests the inherent challenges of using this method to reflect internalization or engagement in the way surveys and referenda can.​

This paper examines the war that broke out in Sudan on April 15 , 2023 , through a comprehensive contextual lens that resists fragmenting its causes and obscuring the wider panorama. It argues that the war must be understood as part of an extended historical trajectory - spanning five centuries - of nation-building and state-building. The study analyzes the theoretical concepts of nation and state building, especially in the African context, and explores their practical manifestations in Sudan. It also investigates how the absence of prioritization by post-independence elites accelerated the slide into conflict. Using historical and political analysis, the paper concludes that, with the high human cost of the war, its resolution depends upon a broad-based national consensus.